kscarbel2

An LS is a 6x4 straight truck, LST is a 6x4 tractor (this is Mack Western terminology). So, RWS721LS-1528 makes sense for what I'm seeing, a 6x4 tipper. BUT, now you say it was a tractor. That conflicts with your model number and what I'm seeing. We offered 12,000 lb taperleaf springs as standard, and 12,000lb multi-leaf was optional. You may not have a Mack axle (could be Rockwell). Other heavier axles were optional, up to 18,000lb. Either have your Mack dealer pull up your truck's front axle model (FAWxxx) by looking at the 1QH front axle arrangement shown forRWS721LS-1528, or look for the stamping on the axle. If your round headlamp Super-Liner is a 1985 (or at least titled as 1985), it's one of the very last Hayward design units built at Macungie, before we switched over the MH platform resulting in the RW6/RW7.

If it was "actually" possible for you to know where all your hard-earned tax dollars are going..................... If you could "choose" to have your tax dollars only spent within the United States..................... If you could elect NOT to have your tax dollars used for corporate incentives/subsidies..................... It's your government, right? Shouldn't you be allowed to decide, to a reasonable extent, how and where your tax money is spent? If taxpayers collectively choose not to fund certain projects........then the people have spoken.

The Guardian / December 1, 2016 Through the U.S. Export-Import Bank, the Obama administration has spent nearly $34 billion [of U.S. taxpayer money] on dirty energy plants in countries from India to Australia to South Africa Seemingly little connects a community in India plagued by toxic water, a looming air pollution crisis in South Africa and a new fracking boom that is pockmarking Australia. And yet there is a common thread: American taxpayer money. Through the US Export-Import Bank, Barack Obama’s administration has spent nearly $34 billion supporting 70 fossil fuel projects around the world, work by Columbia Journalism School’s Energy and Environment Reporting Project and the Guardian has revealed. This unprecedented backing of oil, coal and gas projects is an unexpected footnote to Obama’s own climate change legacy. The president has called global warming “terrifying” and helped broker the world’s first proper agreement to tackle it, yet his administration has poured money into developments that will push the planet even closer to climate disaster. For people living next to US-funded mines and power stations the impacts are even more starkly immediate. Guardian and Columbia reporters have spent time at American-backed projects in India, South Africa and Australia to document the sickness, upheavals and environmental harm that come with huge dirty fuel developments. In India, we heard complaints about coal ash blowing into villages, contaminated water and respiratory and stomach problems, all linked to a project that has had more than $650 million in backing from the Obama administration. In South Africa, another huge project is set to exacerbate existing air pollution problems, deforestation and water shortages. And in Australia, an enormous US-backed gas development is linked to a glut of fracking activity that has divided communities and brought a new wave of industrialization next to the cherished Great Barrier Reef. While Obama can claim the US is the world’s leader on climate change – at least until Donald Trump enters the White House – it is also clear that it has become a major funder of fossil fuels that are having a serious impact upon people’s lives. This is the unexpected story of how Obama’s legacy is playing out overseas. Sasan ultra mega power project, Madhya Pradesh, India A hulking thermal power plant funded by American money shimmers in orange when night settles in India’s coal-rich district of Singrauli. A heavy blanket of smog wraps around the industrial district and its residents. Sasan, an ambitious project by Indian energy utility Reliance Power, consumes coal incessantly from a nearby mine in the promise of lighting the homes of almost 300 million people in the country. But since it began operating in 2012, the project has been caught in a storm of health and safety violations, environmental concerns and land disputes. In 2010, Sasan was handed a $650m export finance loan by the US Export-Import Bank (Ex-Im), a taxpayer-funded branch of the federal government that ostensibly exists to support American jobs and contribute to the US Treasury. The Sasan project was initially rejected by the bank for financing because of the extremely high carbon emissions from the coal-powered plant. However, Reliance reapplied for the loan under tighter emission guidelines, promising to “offset” 26.4 million tonnes of annual carbon dioxide emissions produced by the plant through renewable power projects. Ex-Im Bank approved the loan to facilitate exports of goods and services from the US, insisting on environmental and safety guidelines for the plant’s sustainable development. However, over the course of five years, residents and activists in Singrauli concerns about the project have grown. Ramakali, 30, dressed in a vibrant sari with a thick smear of vermillion on her forehead, bent over a murky green well that was brimming to the top. The towers of Reliance Power stood tall behind her, the lettering on the chimneys within sight of her mud-and-brick home in the village of Harrahawa. Flies and insects flitted in the well water. “The water has started to taste funny,” she said. “I have been struggling with strong pains in my stomach ever since they started dumping their trash into our groundwater.” She pointed to the residual ash dumpsite of the Sasan plant, which is only a couple of metres from her doorstep. On a hot day, one can see ash dust blowing up from the ash pond in the direction of nearby villages surrounding the plant. The locals complain that ash from the enclosed reservoir is settling into the surface water of nearby regions, causing the wells to fill up to the top with impure water. “We put in a request for a handpump to the company but we never heard back,” Ramakali said, shaking her head. “They do nothing. We have complained countless number of times.” The national green tribunal, a court that hears environmental cases in India, released a report by a committee of environmental experts in August 2015, stating that the groundwater in Harrahawa next to the plant had high levels of mercury in it. Excess mercury in drinking water has been medically linked to severe nervous disorders and birth defects. Sasan was not exclusively identified as a source of contamination in the report, but the experts are certain that it’s linked to Sasan and the other big thermal plants in the region. Two other government agencies determined Sasan’s mining waste was illegally overflowing into surrounding forest and farmlands, and that the company had failed to restore the green space lost due to the plant’s construction. Toxic coal dust was also found to have settled in the fields located next to the mines. The Singrauli industrial cluster has been dotted with several giant thermal plants and coalmines since the 1980s, Sasan being the most recent addition to the country’s coal hub. In January 2010, the Indian ministry of environment and forests declared Singrauli a critically polluted area. “When Reliance was planning to set up a plant in Singrauli, they knew that area already had severe poisoning and massive industrial pollution issues,” said Ashwani Kumar Dubey, a lawyer who has repeatedly taken on the coal industry. “Yet, they went ahead and set up their plant. They are adding to the damage, and not doing anything to control it.” Reliance’s coalmine at Moher and its dumpsite are only a short distance away from the thermal power plant. The coal is transported into the power plant through a 14km long, blue, snake-like conveyor belt, saving Reliance Power the overhead costs of railroad transportation. Devnarayan Sahu, 40, lives with his family and a herd of cattle in a village cluster called Amlohri, within 50 metres of Sasan’s overflowing dumpsite. The thud of mine blasting echoes in the background and Narayan’s house quivers a little. “We’ve become used to the tremors,” he said. Narayan walked over to his backyard, and pointed to the bulldozers dropping boulders from atop the mounds of toxic mining waste. “Look at how those stones are rolling into my farm and home,” he said. “When it rained a couple of days ago, we were flooded with their rubble.” A layer of grey coal dust has settled on his impoverished eggplant and tomato farm, his main source of livelihood. “If I don’t water them continuously to get rid of the toxic dust, the crop will not flower,” he said, wiping off dust from a pod with his fingers. The industrial pollution is taking a toll on Narayan and his family. Difficulties in breathing, stomach aches and joint pains are common. “When we cough in the morning, we see dust in our sputum,” he said. “The little that we earn is now going into medical treatments.” “Asthma, allergies and bronchitis are prevalent here because of the air pollution, especially in children belonging to clusters around the ash dams, mines and thermal power plants,” said Dr Kalpana Ravi, a paediatrician at the local district hospital in Waidhan. Narayan has been pleading with Reliance to remedy the situation for years, but nothing has happened. “Many officials have come and inspected the place,” he said. “They come and go, but do nothing. Reliance says they don’t need our land as of yet. We can see the big boulders falling. Like many others who have abandoned their homes for the fear of their lives, they want us also to eventually get scared and move away on our own.” Families settled almost directly underneath the noisy conveyor belt that brings coal to the plant have a similar tale to tell. “I don’t know what will happen sooner: will we go deaf first due to the constant and unbearable rattling over our rooftops, or will we choke on the coal dust falling from the belt,” said Sukhlal Panika, who lives under a section of the conveyor belt with his aged mother. Reliance only acquired a part of his farmland for the belt, leaving his house and well exposed to the pollution caused by coal transportation. Sasan has also been hit by reports of accidents, harassment, fatalities and injuries. In February 2015, Ex-Im’s chairman, Fred Hochberg, criticized the “poor” safety practices at the Sasan project in a letter to Reliance. Hochberg stated: “the number of all fatalities at the integrated Project is now 19 – which is both tragic and absolutely unacceptable.” The chairman’s letter said “the alarming number of injuries and fatalities must come to an end” and that “rather than improving, the situation appears to be deteriorating”. The police confirmed that 16 cases relating to the Sasan plant and coalmine have been investigated since 2012, resulting from vehicle accidents, beam and tower deaths and electric shocks. Activist Awadhesh Kumar, who has been speaking to workers in Sasan and surrounding villages, believes the real number is larger. “It’s harder to account for the migrant workers who have no family here, and they form a huge chunk of Sasan’s labour population. When something happens or someone goes missing, there is no one to question the company for a report or explanation.” In response to Ex-Im’s letter regarding the incidents, Sasan provided the bank with information on a taskforce comprising middle managers for the purpose of improving safety and training. But the steps taken by Ex-Im to regulate Sasan are too little too late, according to people living around the thermal power plant and the coalmine. “Ex-Im’s ground inspection should have been done a long time back, and that too on a regular basis,” said Kumar. “A federal agency of the United States of America should hold their financed projects to better and more neutral standards. Development is good, but not at the cost of the environment and the people who give away their everything to make way for such projects.” All points in the story have been raised with Reliance officials. They are yet to comment. Liquified natural gas plants, Queensland, Australia Alan and Ailsa Smith say setting foot on Curtis Island is like stepping back in history. The world-heritage-listed tropical island where they live sits just off the coast of Gladstone in Queensland, Australia, right under the Tropic of Capricorn. “It’s a quiet little community here. You slip back 25 years in time,” said Alan. The couple own a small grocery store and bed-and-breakfast. It’s the only business in the only village on the island, which is home to just 30 permanent residents. But South End has a new neighbour that makes itself known at night, illuminating the clouds with its startlingly bright lights, and occasionally sending flames into the sky. Since 2010, amid a storm of controversy that extended from Australia to the US, Curtis Island’s 30 residents have been joined by three giant gas liquefaction plants, with a fourth on the way. When complete, they will propel Australia to become the world’s biggest exporter of liquefied natural gas (LNG), overtaking Qatar. Their development has allowed a controversial fracking boom in Queensland, where about 6,000 coal seam gas wells have been drilled to deliver gas to be liquefied at the plants. Two of the three plants – APLNG and QCLNG – have been backed by a $4.7 billion loan from the US Export-Import Bank. Once operational, these developments will produce about 11.3 million tonnes of carbon dioxide each year – and this figure will be much higher if methane emissions that leak from the wells aren’t controlled. Those estimates ignore the carbon emissions that will be produced when the gas exported from Curtis Island is burned. The two US-funded plants will produce up to 17.5m tonnes of liquid natural gas each year. When burned, that will pump about 50m tonnes of CO2 into the atmosphere – roughly equivalent to the annual output of Sweden. Sitting and having a beer at Capricorn Lodge, another of the island’s residents, Michael Radcliffe, says he isn’t bothered by the LNG plants, but expressed some concern about smoke produced when the plants burn some of their gases in large flares. “There’s a lot of black stuff that comes out,” Radcliffe said. A week earlier there were a lot of flares that produced a lot of black smoke, he said. “I thought there was a bushfire or something going on.” From the top of Ship Hill, it’s clear why the locals are interested to see the plants at sundown. As the sun sets, thousands of lights on the gas plants light up. The bushland between the hill and the plants is thick, but through the trees the sight of the huge plants – and the contrast they make with the rest of the island – is astounding. The plants produce a loud hum, a bit like the sound of a giant refrigerator – which is almost exactly what an LNG plant is. To allow ships to dock to collect the liquified gas, the Queensland government conducted a huge dredging operation in the harbour. Around 25 million cubic metres of earth have been scooped up from the harbour floor, with the Australian government giving approval for a further 19 million cubic meters to be dug up. Some was simply dumped in the Coral Sea and the rest was put behind an 8km “bund wall” and used to reclaim land right opposite Curtis Island – a measure intended to stop the dredge spoil from smothering the delicate ecosystems of the Great Barrier Reef. The wall failed, the dredge spoil leaked through it, and spread through the Great Barrier Reef world heritage area. Satellite analysis showed the plumes of mud that spread through the water stretched for 35km into the Coral Sea, which would have degraded seagrass meadows that support endangered dugongs. As the dredging started, fishermen reported an outbreak of disease among marine life, which scientists said could have been caused by metals on the seafloor that were released into the water. In an unusually forthright step, the International Union for Conservation of Nature, which advises the UN’s world heritage committee on scientific matters, called for the LNG developments to be halted. Trevor Falzon used to catch fish in Gladstone Harbour, home to one of the largest ports in the world. He was the lead plaintiff in an unsuccessful case brought by 51 fishermen against the Gladstone Ports Corporation over the dredging. The development meant they lost an area that they used to fish in. And the dredging meant the nets they used in shallow water weren’t suitable in the new deep water, but the case was thrown out. “Now I have to sell everything – my house is on the market,” Falzon said, sitting among packing boxes in his house on the outskirts of Gladstone. Kusile power station, Mpumalanga, South Africa As the sun dips across the rolling hills of South Africa’s eastern Mpumalanga province the lights come on high above the valley’s wetlands, soaring columns and cranes, black against the reddening sky. The vast structure on the ridge is clearly visible from the small settlement of Arbor, a huddle of shacks and huts on a narrow strip of land between a coalmine and railway sidings 10 kilometres from Kusile. “I watch it growing and I wonder what it will bring. It might mean jobs and development, or maybe sickness and drought. I don’t know. So I hope and pray it will make things better, not worse,” said Sibongile Sibeko, 41, a mother of five children in Arbor. The structure Sibeko can see is what has so far been built of Kusile, which will be among the 10 biggest coal-fired power stations in the world, and is already one of the most controversial. The project is part-funded by the US government, having received a loan of $805 million from the US Export-Import Bank in 2011 after Eskom chose a US company to play a key engineering role, creating hundreds of jobs for American specialists. The money was crucial to the $8.4 billion project, say campaigners. “Kusile would have been very challenging to proceed with if the money from the Export-Import Bank had not come through,” said Melita Steele of Greenpeace. Delayed by decades and wildly over budget, Kusile is emblematic of a development model increasingly seen as outdated. The days of vast mega-projects with enormous financial, social and environmental costs, as well as the potential to transform economies, are over, some experts say. Instead, smaller and cheaper projects can bring change as effectively, supplying energy and other needs with minimal impact. “The only hope for us is renewable energy. That would mean less destruction, less landgrabbing or none at all and no need for coal and water,” said Matthews Hlabane, of the South African Green Revolutionary Council, a local NGO. But the loan was also very expensive. As local currency has lost value against the dollar the cost of repayments has soared. The project is immense. When completed Kusile will consist of six units with the ability to generate 4,800MW, making it significantly bigger than any power station in the US except the hydroelectric Grand Coulee dam in Washington. Defenders say Kusile has been designed with advanced technology that will minimise its environmental impact, such as scrubbers to control sulphur dioxide and filters to reduce emissions of dangerous particulates. The plant will use an air cooling system to help conserve water and is designed so equipment to capture carbon emissions can be fitted in the future. The plan to build Kusile, and its twin Medupi, in Limpopo province, dates back to the immediate aftermath of the repressive racist apartheid regime. Conceived as energy providers for a growing and free nation, they were seen as powerful statements of a new commitment to a modern economy that would improve the lives of all South Africa’s citizens. Kusile means “New Dawn” in Zulu, a local language. In recent years, South Africa has been hit by severe power shortages, leading to rolling outages. Though these have now eased, in part due to renewable energy sources supplementing supply, local officials say that Kusile is still essential to ensure the developing nation’s energy security for decades to come. But circumstances – and attitudes – have changed since the original decision was taken to build the vast plants. “Medupi and Kusile are examples of large-scale mega infrastructure projects that countries see as the basis of a development model that started after World War II. Projects this large are seen as transformational. They cost a lot. They employ a lot of people. Their effects are meant to be big. But it’s a model that doesn’t make much sense now,” Janet Redman, director of the climate programme at the Institute for Policy Studies in Washington DC said earlier this year. “Using coal for energy is hugely expensive, outdated, against international trends and is financially and environmental irresponsible,” said Robyn Hugo of the Centre for Environmental Rights, a local NGO. According to one estimate the total cost of the twin projects of Kusile and Medupi could eventually top $32 billion. Medupi relies in part on a $500 million loan from the African Development Bank and also $3 billion from the World Bank, approved in 2010. Both projects have been plagued by allegations of corruption. All concerned deny any wrongdoing. Kusile alone is projected to emit an estimated 36.8m tonnes of CO2-equivalent, according to Eskom’s own estimates. With Medupi, it will add 16% to South Africa’s current CO2 emission levels. The impact on local towns and villages will be immense. It is not simply the power station itself, and the air pollution and traffic it will generate, but the vast coalmining operations needed to provide the estimated 17 million tonnes of coal Kusile will require each year. Farmland and wetlands will disappear as new open-cast and underground mines are opened or, in some cases, reopened. Tens of thousands of impoverished labourers will swell some settlements. Others will have to be entirely shifted to new locations. Roads will be built, bringing access and jobs for some, but exacerbating environmental consequences. This is far from pristine farmland or wilderness, however. Central Mpumalanga is the site of a dozen power stations and a huge mining industry. One of the major complaints of local communities is that local men are rarely hired by companies for anything but casual labour because already acute air pollution has, they claim, damaged their lungs. Mpumalanga is already designated as a zone of acute air pollution in South Africa. Locals complain of sinus infections, headaches and coughing children. Sibongile Sibeko, who has lived in the community of Arbor all her life said her three daughters and two sons had all suffered respiratory illnesses which local doctors blamed on “dust”. She lives in a small three-roomed hut only a few metres from waste spoil marking the boundary of a major mine, operational for around five years. The Kendal power station, Africa’s biggest, is close by. It has been operational since the early 1980s, is coal-fired and has a capacity of more than 4,000MW. “The doctor saw my little one – my four-year-old – recently. He said his chest was closing because of the dust,” Sibeko said. Then there is water. Among the impacts of Kusile will be the destruction of important wetlands around the plant. Massive infrastructure including pipelines and canals has been constructed to bring water for cooling to Kusile, but the plans were conceived in a period when water was more plentiful. South Africa is currently experiencing its worst drought for 50 years, which some blame on climate change. In all villages around Kusile, there are complaints of lack of water, deforestation and other environmental and social problems, ranging from higher crime levels to overcrowded schools, linked to the influx of workers. “Before the mine came we had wood from forests and water from boreholes, and we grew vegetables in small gardens. We had goats, cows and chickens and there was a white farmer and people here worked on his land. But there are no jobs in farming now and there is no forest and the boreholes are dry or the water is bad, and there is no space for livestock or even our gardens because of all the people who have come,” Sibeko said. Another nearby village, cut off from the main highway by a strip of dry grass strewn with cider bottles and rusting cans, is often shaken by the blasting at the nearby mine. “There is a lot of dust here, especially when they are blasting,” said Patricia Mabaso, 30. “The old people and the children get diseases from it. Once it was all green round here, now it’s a desert.” The Energy and Environmental Reporting Project is supported by the Blanchette Hooker Rockefeller Fund, Energy Foundation, Open Society Foundations, Rockefeller Brothers Fund, Rockefeller Family Fund, Lorana Sullivan Foundation and the Tellus Mater Foundation. The funders have no involvement in or influence over the articles produced by project fellows in collaboration with The Guardian.

Bernie Sanders: Carrier just showed corporations how to beat Donald Trump Op-ed by Bernie Sanders (I-Vt) The Washington Post / December 1, 2016 Today, about 1,000 Carrier workers and their families should be rejoicing. But the rest of our nation’s workers should be very nervous. President-elect Donald Trump will reportedly announce a deal with United Technologies, the corporation that owns Carrier, that keeps less than 1,000 of the 2,100 jobs in America that were previously scheduled to be transferred to Mexico. Let’s be clear: It is not good enough to save some of these jobs. Trump made a promise that he would save all of these jobs, and we cannot rest until an ironclad contract is signed to ensure that all of these workers are able to continue working in Indiana without having their pay or benefits slashed. In exchange for allowing United Technologies to continue to offshore more than 1,000 jobs, Trump will reportedly give the company tax and regulatory favors that the corporation has sought. Just a short few months ago, Trump was pledging to force United Technologies to “pay a damn tax.” He was insisting on very steep tariffs for companies like Carrier that left the United States and wanted to sell their foreign-made products back in the United States. Instead of a damn tax, the company will be rewarded with a damn tax cut. Wow! How’s that for standing up to corporate greed? How’s that for punishing corporations that shut down in the United States and move abroad? In essence, United Technologies took Trump hostage and won. And that should send a shock wave of fear through all workers across the country. Trump has endangered the jobs of workers who were previously safe in the United States. Why? Because he has signaled to every corporation in America that they can threaten to offshore jobs in exchange for business-friendly tax benefits and incentives. Even corporations that weren’t thinking of offshoring jobs will most probably be reevaluating their stance this morning. And who would pay for the high cost for tax cuts that go to the richest businessmen in America? The working class of America. Let’s be clear. United Technologies is not going broke. Last year, it made a profit of $7.6 billion and received more than $6 billion in defense contracts. It has also received more than $50 million from the Export-Import Bank and very generous tax breaks. In 2014, United Technologies gave its former chief executive Louis Chenevert a golden parachute worth more than $172 million. Last year, the company’s five highest-paid executives made more than $50 million. The firm also spent $12 billion to inflate its stock price instead of using that money to invest in new plants and workers. Does that sound like a company that deserves more corporate welfare from our government? Trump’s Band-Aid solution is only making the problem of wealth inequality in America even worse. I said I would work with Trump if he was serious about the promises he made to members of the working class. But after running a campaign pledging to be tough on corporate America, Trump has hypocritically decided to do the exact opposite. He wants to treat corporate irresponsibility with kid gloves. The problem with our rigged economy is not that our policies have been too tough on corporations; it’s that we haven’t been tough enough. We need to re-instill an ethic of corporate patriotism. We need to send a very loud and clear message to corporate America: The era of outsourcing is over. Instead of offshoring jobs, the time has come for you to start bringing good-paying jobs back to America. If United Technologies or any other company wants to keep outsourcing decent-paying American jobs, those companies must pay an outsourcing tax equal to the amount of money they expect to save by moving factories to Mexico or other low-wage countries. They should not receive federal contracts or other forms of corporate welfare. They must pay back all of the tax breaks and other corporate welfare they have received from the federal government. And they must not be allowed to reward their executives with stock options, bonuses or golden parachutes for outsourcing jobs to low-wage countries. I will soon be introducing the Outsourcing Prevention Act, which will address exactly that. If Donald Trump won’t stand up for America’s working class, we must.

Trump is shocked that Carrier took him literally. That doesn’t bode well for his many promises. The Washington Post / December 1, 2016 One of the best explanations of the Donald Trump 2016 phenomenon is this, via Salena Zito: "The press takes him literally, but not seriously; his supporters take him seriously, but not literally." But apparently some supporters took him both seriously and literally. And Trump, rather amazingly, is surprised by this. During his attempted victory lap in Indiana on Thursday celebrating the fact that Carrier opted to keep jobs in the state thanks to $7 million in incentives, Trump candidly admitted that he didn't even remember having promised to keep Carrier's jobs in the state and insisted that he hadn't actually meant to make that promise. He said his mention of keeping Carrier's jobs was meant to signify other manufacturing companies that might be tempted to move jobs outside the country — as Carrier long planned to do — in the future, and that he didn't even realize he had said it until he saw on the news that Carrier's workers expected him to make it happen. "About a week ago, I was watching the nightly news," Trump said. "But they were doing a story on Carrier. And I say, 'Wow, that's something. I want to see that.'" Trump recalled a "handsome" employee who was interviewed for the piece who didn't seem worried about the company's plans to move production to Mexico. "He said something to the effect, 'No we're not leaving, because Donald Trump promised us that we're not leaving,'" Trump said. "And I never thought I made that promise — not with Carrier. I made it for everybody else. I didn't make it really for Carrier. And I said, 'What's he saying?'" Trump went on: "And they played my statement. I said, 'Carrier will never leave.' But that was a euphemism. I was talking about Carrier, like all other companies from here on in. Because they made the decision a year and a half ago. But he believed that that was — and I could understand it." He was apparently referring to this Nov. 14 NBC Nightly News clip: Carrier a/c became a rallying cry for Trump on the campaign trail. Now employees are counting on him to fulfill his promise. Watch @kevtibs. pic.twitter.com/vS4fgi8Zfg — Bradd Jaffy (@BraddJaffy) November 15, 2016 Here is the exact comment Trump made back in August: We're bringing jobs back to our country. We're not going to let Carrier leave. Here's the thing: You can make an argument that Trump was perhaps speaking more generally and using Carrier as an example of the type of company that would no longer be leaving under his presidency. But this is a statement he made while in Indiana — in front of people who had a very strong interest in taking him literally. They did, and yet he was apparently surprised by that. Any studied politician would know that if you are in Indiana and you say Carrier won't leave, you had better mean those exact words. That doesn't bode well for the hundreds of promises Trump has made that some highly interested stakeholders may have taken very seriously. Zito's overall statement may hold true — that people read into Trump what they want and that they didn't take everything he said 100 percent literally. But for everyone who voted for Trump, you can bet there's something they hope he was being very literal about — whether prosecuting Hillary Clinton, building a wall, taxing outsourcers (which Trump pledged to do yet again Thursday) or repealing Obamacare. There's quite simply no way Trump will ever fulfill all (or even most) of those promises, and perhaps his supporters will understand that. But many likely won't. For the first time, the president-elect has been asked to cash a check that his mouth wrote. There will be more.

Trump threatens ‘consequences’ for U.S. firms that relocate offshore The Washington Post / November 1, 2016 President-elect Donald Trump on Thursday warned that the government would punish companies seeking to move operations overseas with “consequences,” setting the stage for an unusual level of intervention by the White House into private enterprise. Trump’s remarks came as he triumphantly celebrated a decision by the heating and air-conditioning company Carrier to reverse its plans to close a furnace plant here and move to Mexico, helping keep 1,100 [of 1,400] jobs in Indianapolis. About 800 of those were manufacturing positions that had been scheduled to move south of the border. An additional 300 to 600 Carrier positions at that plant, as well as roughly 700 jobs at another facility in the area, will still be cut. Under the terms of the agreement, which have not been finalized, Carrier would receive a $7 million tax incentive package from the state of Indiana [i.e. Indiana taxpayers] in exchange for making a $16 million investment in the facility — although Trump said Thursday that amount would probably be higher. In remarks delivered inside the Carrier facility, the president-elect said more companies will decide to stay in the United States because his administration will lower corporate taxes and reduce regulations. Trump also warned that businesses that decide to go abroad will pay a price through a border tax on imported goods. “Companies are not going to leave the United States anymore without consequences,” Trump declared Thursday. “Not gonna happen. It’s not gonna happen.” Trump had no plans to intervene in the Carrier case until he watched an evening news segment featuring a worker who expressed confidence that the ­president-elect would save the Indianapolis plant. Trump had vowed during the campaign, “We’re not going to let Carrier leave.” Known for his tendency to react to TV news reports, Trump said he immediately picked up the phone and called Gregory Hayes, the chief executive of Carrier’s parent company, United Technologies. “I said, ‘Greg, you gotta help us out here. You gotta do something,’ ” Trump recalled Thursday. Standing in front of a wall blanketed with Carrier’s blue-and-white logo, Trump lavished praise on the company for its decision, promising that the sales of its air-conditioning units would soar “because of the goodwill you have engendered.” Trump’s determination to use a mixture of incentives and tariffs to keep jobs from going overseas represents a sharp break with the free-market wing of the Republican Party, including senior congressional leaders. On Thursday, top Republicans offered careful responses to the Carrier deal. “I think it’s pretty darn good that people are keeping their jobs in Indiana instead of going to Mexico,” said House Speaker Paul D. Ryan (R-Wis.), emphasizing that the party is hoping to pass comprehensive tax changes that would be a boon to all businesses. Ryan has repeatedly criticized President Obama for allegedly trying to pick “winners and losers” in his stimulus package and other economic policies. [Why lots of people think Trump’s deal to save 1,000 Indiana jobs was a bad idea] The Carrier deal was sharply criticized by some conservatives, who viewed it as government distortion of free markets, as well as liberals, who derided it as corporate welfare. “I think it sets a pretty bad precedent,” said Dan Ikenson, director of the Herbert A. Stiefel Center for Trade Policy Studies at the Cato Institute, a libertarian think tank. “I don’t think we should be addressing issues like this on an ad hoc basis. It certainly incentivizes companies to make a stink and say: ‘We’re going to leave, too. What are you going to do for me?’ ” Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont, who ran for the Democratic presidential nomination, accused Trump of reversing course on a pledge to punish companies that outsource manufacturing jobs. In the case of Carrier, Trump had said he would force the company to “pay a damn tax” if it closed the plant. [Instead of paying a tax, Carrier will get $7 million of free taxpayer money, AND 1,100 Carrier workers in Indiana are still seeing their jobs relocated to Mexico] “Instead of a damn tax, the company will be rewarded with a damn tax cut,” Sanders wrote in an op-ed for The Washington Post. “Wow! How’s that for standing up to corporate greed?” Privately, some business leaders were also unnerved. “It is uncharted territory for a president-elect to get involved personally in social engineering with a single company,” said an adviser to major corporations, who spoke on the condition of anonymity in order not to anger the incoming administration. Now that Carrier “is no longer the political piñata,” the adviser added, chief executives “are asking, ‘Who’s next?’ ” Timothy Bartik, an economist at the nonpartisan W.E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research in Kalamazoo, Mich., said that vague threats from the ­president-elect could stymie corporate investment as firms seek to avoid decisions that could draw the ire of the White House. “What are these consequences? Who’s in charge of them?” Bartik asked. “One of the worst things for corporate investment is uncertainty,” he added. “You would hope that the government would not add to the uncertainty.” [Trump is shocked that Carrier workers took him literally. That doesn’t bode well for his many promises.] But Trump said Thursday that he planned to personally call other companies that are contemplating moving operations out of the country, even, as he said, if critics felt such outreach was not “presidential.” “I think it’s very presidential. And if it’s not presidential, that’s okay because I actually like doing it,” Trump said. “But we’re going to have a lot of phone calls made to companies when they say they’re leaving this country, because they’re not going to leave this country.” Trump’s aggressive stance toward outsourcing comes despite the fact that his family companies profit from low-wage laborers around the globe who produce Trump-branded merchandise. His daughter Ivanka has her own separate brand of jewelry, shoes and clothing, much of which is produced in China. On the campaign trail, Trump repeatedly attacked specific companies for outsourcing, drawing huge cheers from his crowds. He blasted Ford Motor Co. for opening factories in Mexico, criticized a U.S. drug company that moved its headquarters offshore and said he would not longer eat Oreo cookies because its maker, Nabisco, moved part of its production to Mexico. He also mocked politicians who offered low-interest loans and tax abatements to keep factories in the United States.[as he has done with Carrier] “These companies don’t even need the money, most of them,” he said at a rally in Wilkes-Barre, Pa., in October. “They take the money. There were a couple instances where geniuses with great lawyers gave them money, and then they moved anyway.” Trump repeatedly pointed to Carrier’s planned move to Mexico as a prime example of the perils of globalization: The company told Indiana officials it would save $65 million a year by shifting production to a 645,000-square-foot factory under construction outside Monterrey, where wages are far lower. Carrier rejected a tax incentive package the state offered earlier in the year to keep the Indianapolis plant open. But that was before Trump won the election and Indiana Gov. Mike Pence became the vice president-elect. Some state officials also noted that the federal government is a major customer of Carrier’s parent, United Technologies. United Technologies’ sales to the government have dropped in recent years, from $6.3 billion in 2013 to $5.6 billion last year, making up about 10 percent of its total revenue. Note: The “Department of Energy awarded Carrier $5.1 million in clean energy tax credits in December 2013 for its Indianapolis facility. Carrier at that time said it planned to use the money to expand production at its Indianapolis facility to meet increasing demand for its eco-friendly condensing gas furnace product line.

A year after San Bernardino attack, investigators still seek answers Reuters / December 1, 2016 One year after two Islamic militants shot dead 14 people in a massacre in Southern California, FBI investigators are still seeking to answer key questions such as the location of the married couple's computer hard drive and whether anyone helped them. Syed Rizwan Farook, 28, and his wife, Tashfeen Malik, 29, opened fire on Dec. 2 during a party and training session for San Bernardino County employees, who were co-workers of Farook, injuring 22 people in addition to the 14 killed. It was one of the deadliest attacks by militants in the United States since the Sept. 11, 2001, hijacked plane attacks. Authorities have said that U.S.-born Farook and Malik, a native of Pakistan who lived most of her life in Saudi Arabia, were inspired by Islamic extremism. The couple, who were parents of a 6-month-old daughter, both died in a shootout with police four hours after the massacre. The Federal Bureau of Investigation is still seeking to determine if anyone assisted the couple, such as in financing the attack or helping to plan for it. The FBI has not charged anyone with providing support to Farook and Malik. The FBI is still hoping to find the hard drive from the couple's computer. A search by FBI divers in the weeks after the attack of a small lake at a park where Farook and Malik stopped in the hours after the shooting failed to turn up the hard drive. In addition, the FBI still has an 18-minute gap in accounting for the whereabouts of Farook and Malik in the hours they spent driving around San Bernardino in an SUV after the attack. The couple left three pipe bombs at the center, in an apparent attempt to harm emergency workers caring for the wounded. The couple approached the center after the attack and might have been trying to detonate one of the devices remotely.

Associated Press / May 15, 2016 Former London mayor and leading Brexit campaigner Boris Johnson sparked fury Sunday after he compared the European Union (EU) to Adolf Hitler's Nazi Germany. Johnson made his remarks in an article in the Sunday Telegraph in which he warned 'that while bureaucrats in Brussels are using "different methods" from the Nazi dictator, they share the aim of unifying Europe under one authority'. Johnson said that the past 2,000 years of European history had been characterized by repeated attempts to unify Europe under a single government. He says the EU's "disastrous" failures have fuelled tensions between member states and allowed Germany to grow in power, "take over" the Italian economy and "destroy" Greece. "Napoleon, Hitler, various people tried this out, and it ends tragically. The EU is an attempt to do this by different methods.” “But fundamentally what is lacking is the eternal problem, which is that there is no underlying loyalty to the idea of Europe." "There is no single authority that anybody respects or understands. That is causing this massive democratic void."

What suspension is under the back of your MH, ST34 or SS34? It appears a bit low. I assume it was originally a tractor.

What is the model and VIN on the truck title ? New rails don't come stamped. The dealer has to stamp them, but some don't. For parts and service, dealers reference the vehicle identification plate on the door, which should be swapped over to any new/used replacement cab. Wire brush and look for the 1QHA number, and FAW model number, stamped on the front of the axle I-beam. Was this truck originally a tractor?

Volkswagen Truck & Bus Brazil (Volkswagen Caminhões e Ônibus) has announced the largest investment package that the company has ever seen. Volkswagen Truck & Bus’s Brazilian commercial vehicle brand is set to plow EUR 420 million (US$448.7 million) over the next five years into the steady renewal of its product portfolio, modernization of its plant in Resende, and the development of its connectivity services. Andreas Renschler, CEO of Volkswagen Truck & Bus and the member of the Board of Management of Volkswagen AG responsible for commercial vehicle activities, spoke about the reasons behind the investment, saying: “We believe – despite the current market situation – that Brazil is an important market for trucks and buses. It has always been a key market for the German industry and it will be again. I am confident that the Brazilian economy has bottomed out and will recover again in the next few years. In order to be prepared for this, we are now taking money into our hands to be able to continue to offer excellent products and state-of-the-art production. The entire Latin America region plays a major role in our growth strategy.” Volkswagen Truck & Bus Brazil has been the leader in Brazil’s commercial truck market for 13 consecutive years. At the Resende plant, its employees work together with suppliers in a modular production system sharing tasks. Roberto Cortes, CEO of Volkswagen Caminhões e Ônibus, considers this a crucial advantage in the tough economic situation at present: “We have been selling Volkswagen-branded trucks and buses for 35 years and our plant in Resende has been around for 20 years. It is only through our innovative production concept which sees us work together under one roof with seven partner firms that we have been able to join forces to take the necessary action to overcome the current crisis and equip ourselves to deal with an upturn that is sure to come.” Renschler took the opportunity to emphasize that: “German companies think long-term. We might not be the first ones to venture into new markets. But wherever we are, we persevere in difficult times too. Brazil in particular is a country with which we enjoy very successful business relations that go back decades and that will continue for a long time yet. That is why we are strengthening our commitment at Volkswagen Caminhões e Ônibus further.” .

TBD (To be determined)...................https://nikolamotor.com/one#specs The minute I heard Ryder mentioned, I thought small start-up............David Hobbensiefken and his R-100 Paymaster. http://iowa80truckingmuseum.com/exhibits-list/ryder-paymaster-r-100-cummins-vt-903/75/

WCTI 12 / November 30, 2016 A Camp Lejeune Marine officer is charged with sexually abusing a 6-year-old child. Col. Daniel H. Wilson, 55, of Mason, Washington, assigned to the II Marine Expeditionary Force, was charged on Nov. 15. He is charged with three counts of alleged sexually assaulting and/or abusing a child (Article 120b of the Uniform Code of Military Justice), four specifications of Article 128, (assault consummated by battery on a child under the age of 16 years); one specification of Article 92, (failure to obey a general order or regulation), and nine specifications of Article 133, (conduct unbecoming of an officer). Wilson, who has been in the Marine Corps since June 1981, was removed from his post and reassigned to administrative duties after the investigation began. The allegations of sexual misconduct remain under investigation by the Naval Criminal Investigation Service (Carolina Field Office). An Article 32 hearing has been directed for the near future. .

What is the model and VIN on the truck's title paper ? Look for the 1QHA number stamped into the front of the axle beam under one of the spring seats.

KTLA 5 / November 30, 2016 A 72-year-old convicted rapist was sentenced to 520 years in state prison for sexually assaulting a 9-year-old girl he was babysitting at her Canyon Country home last year, the Los Angeles County District Attorney’s Office said Wednesday. John Adam Whitsell was convicted last month of four counts of lewd act upon a child, four counts of oral copulation or sexual penetration with child 10 years old or younger, and one count of forcible oral copulation of a victim under 14. Whitsell was babysitting a family member when he abused her between Jan. 1 and June 30, 2015. He was arrested Nov. 10, 2015, and has not been released since then. In two separate cases, Whitsell was convicted in 1971 in Louisiana of two counts of aggravated rape. He served seven years in prison for those convictions. .

Associated Press / December 1, 2016 A Florida woman was indicted on a murder charge Wednesday after authorities say she strangled her one-year-old daughter with a string of Halloween lights then blamed it on her two-year-old son. The Seminole County Grand Jury issued an indictment against Krisen DePasquale, 27, on charges of first-degree premeditated murder and aggravated child abuse for the November 10 death of baby Mia Rice. Kristen DePasquale told police that when she stepped out of the shower on Nov. 10, she found the child unconscious in the living room, the lights wrapped around her neck. But a police detective noted that the bathroom shower was dry and so was the towel that DePasquale said she had used. Also, her feet were dirty, and there was makeup on her face. Police say the medical examiner determined an adult type force placed pressure onto little Mia’s neck for a least four minutes before she died. The father of the children is in prison on unrelated charges. .

KETV / December 1, 2016 A 14-year-old boy is charged with the fatal shooting of his mother and younger brother while they were sleeping, according to authorities in New Stanton, Pennsylvania. At 6.53am, Jacob made a 911 call falsely telling a dispatcher that his father had shot his mother and brother. 'Why didn't he kill me? I need help,' Remaley was quoted in the affidavit as telling the operator. He then hung up the phone, but called back a short time later, loudly accusing the operator of hanging up on him and demanding that an ambulance be sent to his home. Jacob Remaley finally admitted to shooting his mother, Dana Remaley, and his 8-year-old brother Caleb, telling police that he used his father's gun and would have shot his dad too if had not already left to go to work at a VA hospital. "He woke up that morning, went to an area in the kitchen, recovered a firearm from atop the refigerator -- that firearm wasn't loaded at the time," Trooper Stephen Limani said. "He got a magazine, loaded that firearm, walked into his mother's room, and -- from a very short distance -- fired one round into her forehead, subsequently killing her, and then walked into his brother's room and repeated the same act." Dana Remaley, 46, worked at West Hempfield Middle School and Caleb was a third-grade student at Stanwood Elementary. Police said both were found dead Wednesday morning inside the family's home. The firearm Jacob used was a Ruger LCP .380 Auto handgun. On Wednesday, Jacob Remaley was charged as an adult with two counts each of criminal homicide and third-degree murder. David Remaley's father said his 52-year-old son is a US Army veteran who had served in Iraq, and who is now employed as a master plumber at the VA Hospital in Pittsburgh. Mr Remaley had a license to carry and had a handgun on him at all times, and at least one other firearm at home. .

KSL Broadcasting, Salt Lake City / December 1, 2016 A 15-year-old Mueller Park Junior High School student casually walked into a science class shortly after school began Thursday and without saying a word, fired a blast from a shotgun. "I heard it cock, and then I heard the shot go off and I looked up and there was a big hole in the ceiling," said fellow student Dan Fowers. "He looked angry when he came in, like just kind of an angry face, and he just shot at the ceiling without an explanation. He didn’t really say anything," added student Calvin Smith. The student was carrying a 12-gauge shotgun, a .9 mm handgun and two boxes of ammunition — one for each weapon. Moments after firing the round, he was disarmed by his own father and mother who had gone to the school that morning looking for their son because they were concerned about his behavior that day. "They were (also) concerned that there were weapons missing from the house," said Bountiful Police Chief Tom Ross. Investigators say the guns the boy took are normally locked in his parents' safe. He used a long coat to conceal the shotgun as he walked from his house into the school. There were 26 students and a teacher in the classroom the boy walked into. A student and the teacher immediately attempted to talk to the boy, causing him to pause. "I believe those seconds played a big role in the outcome," Ross said. "The suspect did put the gun toward his neck and his intentions may have been to commit suicide." The pause allowed time for the boys' parents — who were two classrooms away at the time looking for him — to run into the science class after hearing the shot and pull him into the hallway. "Both participated in apprehending him," Ross said, while a teacher called 911. Investigators said they did not yet know whether the parents called police or the school about their concerns before arriving at the building. The parents disarmed their son and a Bountiful police officer arrived shortly after and took him into custody. Meanwhile, the school went into lockdown. All of the students were instructed to hide under their desks. As soon as the boy was pulled out of the room, the class locked the door and executed the lockdown drill it had previously practiced. A Bountiful police officer who was already near the school arrived within two minutes. Because it was dispatched as an "active shooter" situation, over 100 officers from law enforcement agencies between North Salt Lake and Layton responded to the school. The boy was booked into the Farmington Bay Detention Center for investigation of two counts of theft of a firearm and two counts of bringing a weapon to school. .

Isuzu Commercial Truck of America Press Release / December 1, 2016 .

I like the European market Holland Aluminum fifth wheel..........http://ww1.safholland.us/sites/usa/en-US/products/fifthwheels/FWALSeries/Pages/default.aspx I want to learn more about its Meritor-sourced fully independent suspension. When Milton switched in mid-stream from battery/micro-turbine to battery/natural gas fuel cell, he lost me. Clearly, he didn't think things through all the way before he started his sales pitch.

You could get a copy from the Mack museum. We didn't build many B-46s, just 473, from 1958 to 1965. It had a short B-67 style hood and was targeted at ready mix operations.

It has a Scania model DS8 (Mack designation E4-210). Great engine, like most, when properly maintained. The Scania centrifugal filter certainly kept the oil clean. No cartridge to buy, just clean it out and reinstall. It prompted us to create "Centrimax" for the Mack engines. Morgan Millwork ran a huge fleet of R487P straight trucks on the east coast. They loved them.

Nikola Motor Co. is revealing its Nikola One hydrogen-electric Class 8 tractor at its headquarters in Salt Lake City, Utah. The unveiling is being streamed live below. Allegedly over 600 members of the media, industry partners, customers and government leaders are scheduled to attend the unveiling. “There are many out there that wondered if we would deliver, but today we proudly show off the most advanced semi-truck ever built,” said Trevor Milton, founder and CEO of Nikola. Nikola says Ryder System Inc. will be its exclusive nationwide distribution and maintenance provider. Ryder, which has a network of more than 800 service locations in North America, will provide nationwide sales, service and warranty work. “This relationship is key to expanding our advanced vehicle technology portfolio of innovative solutions,” said Dennis Cooke, president of global fleet management solutions for Miami-based Ryder. “Ryder continually monitors emerging fleet technologies and seeks to establish relationships with companies that are leading innovation within the commercial transportation industry.” Thompson Machinery, a Caterpillar dealer and an early investor in Nikola Motor Co., also will offer sales and service in Tennessee and Mississippi. .

James N. Mattis, USMC General (retired) Post: Secretary of Defense Commands held in the U.S. military U.S. Central Command U.S. Joint Forces Command Supreme Allied Commander of Transformation for NATO I Marine Expeditionary Force U.S. Marine Forces Central Command (Middle East excluding Israel) Marine Corps Combat Development Command 1st Marine Division 7th Marine Regiment 1st Battalion, 7th Marines Age: 66 (Born September 8, 1950) Schooling: Mattis graduated from Columbia High School in Richland, Washington, in 1968. He has a Bachelor of Arts degree in history from Central Washington University. Mattis is a graduate of the U.S. Marine Corps Amphibious Warfare School, U.S. Marine Corps Command and Staff College, and the National War College. Background: Mattis was born on September 8, 1950 in Pullman, Washington. Since retirement from the military, Mattis has worked for FWA Consultants and also serves on General Dynamics Board of Directors. In August 2013, he became an Annenberg Distinguished Visiting Fellow at the Hoover Institution, an American public policy think tank and research institution located at California’s Stanford University. Mattis is noted for his intellectualism and interest in military history. Mattis is a life-long bachelor. He has never been married and has no children. Red Flag: In mid-2012, a Department of Defense official evaluating Theranos's blood-testing technology for military use initiated a formal inquiry with the Food and Drug Administration about the company's intent to distribute its tests without FDA clearance. In August 2012, via email, Theranos CEO Elizabeth Holmes asked Mattis, who had expressed interest in testing Theranos's technology in combat areas, to help. Within hours, Mattis forwarded his email exchange with Holmes to military officials, asking "how do we overcome this new obstacle." Since 2013, Mattis has been a Theranos board member, a controversial Silicon Valley biotech company with criticized corporate governance practices. In a July 2013 letter from the Department of Defense approving his possible employment by Theranos, Mattis was given permission with conditions. He was cautioned to do so only if he did not represent Theranos with regards to the blood testing device and its potential acquisition by the Departments of the Navy or Defense. Theranos is under criminal investigation. http://www.wsj.com/articles/theranos-is-subject-of-criminal-probe-by-u-s-1461019055 Instead of attributing the Middle East’s atrocities to radical Islam, Mattis blames regional anti-Western hostility on the perception of the injustice of oppression suffered by Palestinians under the Israeli occupation. At the 2013 Aspen Security Forum, speaking about the Israeli-Palestinian situation, Mattis said “I paid a military security price every day as the commander of CENTCOM because the Americans were seen as biased in support of Israel.” Calling Israeli control of Judea and Samaria “unsustainable,” Mattis warned that Jewish “settlements” could turn Israel into an “apartheid state.” Before deploying to Iraq, Mattis ensured his troops were given courses on Arab culture and cultural sensitivity classes. Note: Mattis will need Congress to pass new legislation to bypass a federal law stating that defense secretaries must not have been on active duty in the previous seven years. The National Security Act of 1947 states a general must wait 10 years from leaving active duty before becoming defense secretary. An exception was granted on a one-time basis for Gen. George C. Marshall in 1950, with lawmakers saying in special legislation at the time that it was the “sense of the Congress that after General Marshall leaves the office of Secretary of Defense, no additional appointments of military men to that office shall be approved.”

Can you post your truck's line sheet?